Pro-Russia head of State Igor Dodon in Brussels to confirm commitments taken with the EU, without forgetting traditional ties with Moscow
by Emanuele Bonini
An eye at east, another to the west. Igor Dodon's Moldova introduced itself to the European Union, in an attempt to secure the little that the former Soviet republic can obtain from the new ally. Or rather, the other partner, namely the Western one, opposed to the Eastern one. The new President of Moldova, Igor Dodon, is a pro-Russian even before being a pro-European. He thus could put in question the painstakingly relationships built between Chisinau and Brussels. Dodon has made his visit to the EU capital to meet the presidents of the three EU institutions (Jean-Claude Juncker, Donald Tusk, Antonio Tajani) and the High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy (Federica Mogherini). At each of them he reiterated its willingness to comply with the commitments foreseen by the Association Agreements, what led the eastern country to have one foot into the single market. Officially the engagement to go on is there, as well as the usual problems for the country remain. The EU has always recognized Moldova in its entirety, ie with Transnistria, the region under Russian control. This causes Moldovan leadership embarrassment when it comes to deal with the old partner. Moldova is still anchored in Russia. Before being elected new president, Dodon publicly recognised the legitimacy of Russian actions in Crimea, defined by Dodon as «part of the Russian Federation».
On foreign policy issues, the new Moldovan president doesn't seem to be on the same wavelength of the EU. For the European Union the main challenge will be to preserve relations with a country to which Europe promised as many concessions as possible. The main spoken language of Moldova is Romanian, part of the population didn't made mystery of wishing to be part of Romania, and some Moldovans would like getting a deeper European integration. There is at least a moral obligation of the EU towards this country. But the feeling is that the EU be not any longer the goal to be reached as it was in the Republic of until last December, before the new president's appointment.
Moldova. With just a few natural resources and no industrial tissue, Moldova is one of the poorest countries in Europe. Self-proclaimed independent on August 27, 1991, the republic wasn't able to create alternatives to Russian funding. It is not a case if today the Moldovan government still looks at Russia as the only possible lifeline. Torn between tradition and change, Moldova is caught by its Russian past and the desire of a European present. Both sides play their game: Russia has no intentions to renounce to an area still considered as own sphere of influence, while the EU has an interest in tearing the Kremlin a highly strategic area.
Strategic value. Small and poor, Moldova is at the south-eastern European offshoots, just beyond the EU borders. Halfway between the Carpathians and the Black Sea, the territory covered by the former Soviet republic has been the access point for Russia from the Balkans and vice versa. Its control is thus key. For such a reason this part of Europe has been reason of disputes and divisions: in the 19th century was divided among the Russian and the Ottoman empires, in the 20th century was divided into three zones influence: one Soviet, one German and one Romanian. The strategic value of the young republic is also due for being a gas transit country: it is from here that the Russian resource enters in Europe, a continent strongly dependent by the flows blowing from east.
Energy, a problem to solve. Moldova doesn't have natural resources, so it depends on Russian gas and oil. Moldovagaz, the national carrier, operates as a subsidiary of Gazprom. The Moldovan authorities are trying to reduce dependence from Russia, through connections to the European market and the entry of other energy operators. The Iasi-Ungheni connector - thought to connect the country with Romania - responds to this strategy. But Europe itself is dependent on the Russian supplier, and the project does not contribute to solve the problem. On the contrary, for Russian authorities the existence of new pipelines linking Moldova to Romania may mean getting further pipes to exploit in order to pump additional gas in the EU. The development of energy from renewable sources in Moldova is a worthy alternative to Russian gas, but it will not solve the energy problems in the short and medium-terms. In addition, Chisinau has to repay the debts made by the Transnistrian region with Gazprom. About 5 billion dollars is the amount to give back to the Russian energy company. Despite Transnistria is officially part of Moldova, the region is independent "de facto". In name of this situation Chisinau can't refuse to repay debts, since for the government it would mean to accept the idea of having lost once and for all a part of land. On the other side Russian authorities use this situation to exert pressure on Moldova for softer ties with the EU and prevent a NATO membership.
Transnistria, safe bank for Russian interests. Transnistria (or Transdniestria) is a strip of land that runs along the eastern border of Moldova, separating it from Ukraine. As already said, it is formally part of Moldova even if is independent "de facto". Transnistria has an own currency and its own institutions, and is under the protection of Russia. The latter has in practice a satellite State between the EU and Ukraine with which keep and secure the control of the territory. The militarization of the region (about 2,000 Russian soldiers are deployed there) and a strong Russian presence (about 30% of the population of Transnistria is Russian) make the region "bulletproof".
Moldova and the EU. A country squeezed between the need to remain anchored to the usual certainties and look for new alternatives. Moldova chose the European Union, but the signing of the Association in 2014 has produced the Russian retaliation, like the removal of the 'zero' tariff scheme for 19 Moldovan products sold on the Russian market, in force since the period of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Something very harmful for a poor country. The Ukrainian crisis is then served as a warning: those looking to escape from the Kremlin dependencies will pay dearly. Crimea has been claimed and taken up by Moscow after Ukraine started getting too close to the EU. A case. Or maybe not. Sustaining too much the 12 stars cause can become a risk, a risk that the new Moldovan leadership seems unwilling to run.
by Emanuele Bonini
An eye at east, another to the west. Igor Dodon's Moldova introduced itself to the European Union, in an attempt to secure the little that the former Soviet republic can obtain from the new ally. Or rather, the other partner, namely the Western one, opposed to the Eastern one. The new President of Moldova, Igor Dodon, is a pro-Russian even before being a pro-European. He thus could put in question the painstakingly relationships built between Chisinau and Brussels. Dodon has made his visit to the EU capital to meet the presidents of the three EU institutions (Jean-Claude Juncker, Donald Tusk, Antonio Tajani) and the High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy (Federica Mogherini). At each of them he reiterated its willingness to comply with the commitments foreseen by the Association Agreements, what led the eastern country to have one foot into the single market. Officially the engagement to go on is there, as well as the usual problems for the country remain. The EU has always recognized Moldova in its entirety, ie with Transnistria, the region under Russian control. This causes Moldovan leadership embarrassment when it comes to deal with the old partner. Moldova is still anchored in Russia. Before being elected new president, Dodon publicly recognised the legitimacy of Russian actions in Crimea, defined by Dodon as «part of the Russian Federation».
On foreign policy issues, the new Moldovan president doesn't seem to be on the same wavelength of the EU. For the European Union the main challenge will be to preserve relations with a country to which Europe promised as many concessions as possible. The main spoken language of Moldova is Romanian, part of the population didn't made mystery of wishing to be part of Romania, and some Moldovans would like getting a deeper European integration. There is at least a moral obligation of the EU towards this country. But the feeling is that the EU be not any longer the goal to be reached as it was in the Republic of until last December, before the new president's appointment.
Moldova. With just a few natural resources and no industrial tissue, Moldova is one of the poorest countries in Europe. Self-proclaimed independent on August 27, 1991, the republic wasn't able to create alternatives to Russian funding. It is not a case if today the Moldovan government still looks at Russia as the only possible lifeline. Torn between tradition and change, Moldova is caught by its Russian past and the desire of a European present. Both sides play their game: Russia has no intentions to renounce to an area still considered as own sphere of influence, while the EU has an interest in tearing the Kremlin a highly strategic area.
Strategic value. Small and poor, Moldova is at the south-eastern European offshoots, just beyond the EU borders. Halfway between the Carpathians and the Black Sea, the territory covered by the former Soviet republic has been the access point for Russia from the Balkans and vice versa. Its control is thus key. For such a reason this part of Europe has been reason of disputes and divisions: in the 19th century was divided among the Russian and the Ottoman empires, in the 20th century was divided into three zones influence: one Soviet, one German and one Romanian. The strategic value of the young republic is also due for being a gas transit country: it is from here that the Russian resource enters in Europe, a continent strongly dependent by the flows blowing from east.
Energy, a problem to solve. Moldova doesn't have natural resources, so it depends on Russian gas and oil. Moldovagaz, the national carrier, operates as a subsidiary of Gazprom. The Moldovan authorities are trying to reduce dependence from Russia, through connections to the European market and the entry of other energy operators. The Iasi-Ungheni connector - thought to connect the country with Romania - responds to this strategy. But Europe itself is dependent on the Russian supplier, and the project does not contribute to solve the problem. On the contrary, for Russian authorities the existence of new pipelines linking Moldova to Romania may mean getting further pipes to exploit in order to pump additional gas in the EU. The development of energy from renewable sources in Moldova is a worthy alternative to Russian gas, but it will not solve the energy problems in the short and medium-terms. In addition, Chisinau has to repay the debts made by the Transnistrian region with Gazprom. About 5 billion dollars is the amount to give back to the Russian energy company. Despite Transnistria is officially part of Moldova, the region is independent "de facto". In name of this situation Chisinau can't refuse to repay debts, since for the government it would mean to accept the idea of having lost once and for all a part of land. On the other side Russian authorities use this situation to exert pressure on Moldova for softer ties with the EU and prevent a NATO membership.
Transnistria, safe bank for Russian interests. Transnistria (or Transdniestria) is a strip of land that runs along the eastern border of Moldova, separating it from Ukraine. As already said, it is formally part of Moldova even if is independent "de facto". Transnistria has an own currency and its own institutions, and is under the protection of Russia. The latter has in practice a satellite State between the EU and Ukraine with which keep and secure the control of the territory. The militarization of the region (about 2,000 Russian soldiers are deployed there) and a strong Russian presence (about 30% of the population of Transnistria is Russian) make the region "bulletproof".
Moldova and the EU. A country squeezed between the need to remain anchored to the usual certainties and look for new alternatives. Moldova chose the European Union, but the signing of the Association in 2014 has produced the Russian retaliation, like the removal of the 'zero' tariff scheme for 19 Moldovan products sold on the Russian market, in force since the period of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Something very harmful for a poor country. The Ukrainian crisis is then served as a warning: those looking to escape from the Kremlin dependencies will pay dearly. Crimea has been claimed and taken up by Moscow after Ukraine started getting too close to the EU. A case. Or maybe not. Sustaining too much the 12 stars cause can become a risk, a risk that the new Moldovan leadership seems unwilling to run.
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